The mention of “Limpex Trading” in this post about the suspected entanglement of the Saskatchewan Wheat Pool (read the comments) in the oil-for-food scandal, has sent a Canadian blogger on a digging expedition. (His earlier research here.)
It seems he’s pulled up some unlinked pages listing oil-for-food contracts put “on hold” from a domain that fronts an anti-Iraq war website. I’d suggest someone get in and capture the source code on these pages before they go *poof*. A quick Google search suggests these are the only copies on the net.
Is it significant? Too soon to tell, but this looks worth following.

On April 3, 2004 I introduced The Libranos theme to small dead animals, complete with my own version of the logo from the popular HBO show, The Sopranos.

I also asked;

Corruption in the highest levels of government, with tentacles reaching into crown corporations, into the RCMP. Career beaurocrats ignoring the rules. Secret accounts. $100 million missing. Falsifying receipts. Shawinigate. Untendered aircraft purchases. TotalFinaElf-Desmarais-Chr�tien. Drug raids. Money laundering.
At what point does government wrongdoing cross the line into organized crime?

The Western Standard asked to borrow my meme, and came out with their own version of the logo, in the form of a cover story and a poster.

Canadian Press:

The Conservatives want an apology from Immigration Minister Joe Volpe for comparing them to the Ku Klux Klan. The Opposition party is made up of racists, Volpe said Tuesday, calling members recognizable “notwithstanding that they don’t have their cowl and their cape.”
“The Klan looks like it’s still very much alive,” the minister added.
Volpe made the comments in response to a poster prank in which two Conservative MPs refer to the Liberals as the The Liberanos, a mocking reference to the television Mafia show The Supranos.
“I think these are a couple of fine, upstanding members of the new Conservative Klan,” Volpe said, referring to a picture of Tory MPs Lee Richardson and Werner Schmidt holding a copy of the poster. [no spellcheckers at CP? – ed]

Oh Volpe … send me your fired up, your curious, your teeming masses Googling to be free…
Man. This blogging thing is getting to be a lot of fun.
(By reader request, video of Volpe. The remark occurs at around the 40min mark)

119. (1) Every one who
(a) being the holder of a judicial office, or being a member of Parliament or of the legislature of a province, corruptly
(i) accepts or obtains,
(ii) agrees to accept, or
(iii) attempts to obtain,
any money, valuable consideration, office, place or employment for himself or another person in respect of anything done or omitted or to be done or omitted by him in his official capacity, or
(b) gives or offers, corruptly, to a person mentioned in paragraph (a) any money, valuable consideration, office, place or employment in respect of anything done or omitted or to be done or omitted by him in his official capacity for himself or another person …

….is guilty of an indictable offence and liable to imprisonment for a term not exceeding fourteen years.

This is radioactive.

Random Notes has an cautionary post up about the history of the Krever (tainted blood) Inquiry;

What is interesting about the Krever case is that after years of legal wrangling, which went all the way to the Supreme Court, Justice Krever’s right to assign blame was ultimately affirmed (see Mapleleafweb for a useful overview of the powers of public inquiries and a summary of the Supreme Court’s decision in the Krever case).
But what the Krever case also shows is that if misconduct is found, named parties are prone to engage in legal tactics to prevent or delay the release of an inquiry’s report. The timeline of the Krever Commission is quite revealing:

Krever’s report was finally brought down – after 4 years. With Chretien already challenging Gomery in the courts, and lawyers for those charged criminally arguing for a delay in their trials, might the Paul Martin Liberals be pulling the “Krever play” from the handbook?

Greg Staples blogged an interview of Paul Martin by Roy Green.
Isn’t the blogosphere cool? Now a dithering politician’s non-answers to real questions on local talk radio can go nationwide!

Andrew Coyne has a briefcase full of documents about Paul Martin’s interference on behalf of Earnscliffe during his years in Finance. Check it out.

With the white noise of Liberal Party money dumps across the nation, not as much attention is being paid to the Chuck Guite testimony at the Gomery inquiry. However, what little news is trickling out hints that Guite’s testimony is as explosive as that of Jean Brault.
So, watch for the Liberal mantra to “wait for Gomery” to intensify. This is crucial to their game plan.
If the Liberals can survive long enough for public rage to subside, and extend his government’s life the full length of Gomery’s mandate, he’ll be in the clear – for Paul Martin is fully aware of the fact that Judge Gomery is prohibited from assigning blame under his terms of reference.
paragraph K;

The Commissioner be directed to perform his duties without expressing any conclusion or recommendation regarding the civil or criminal liability of any person or organization and to ensure that the conduct of the inquiry does not jeopardize any ongoing criminal investigation or criminal proceedings;

So, with the report effectively pre-sterilized and a national media overwhelmingly in his corner, Paul Martin is virtually assured of a report he can “take to the bank” when it comes to denying civil or criminal wrongdoing on the part of the Liberal party.
Jean Brault, Paul Coffin, Chuck Guite – it won’t matter what they testify to, or if they implicate the highest elected officials in the land – Gomery cannot lay blame. Neat, eh?

Just a reminder of where Gomery fits in the grand scheme of things…

And that doesn’t include Indian Affairs or the Crowns.
On the topic of Crown Corporations, and converging with a Montreal Gazette article on Gagliano and Canada Lands featured by Andrew Coyne today, a couple of background items landed in my inbox this morning;

Every two weeks between 1996 and 1998, a well-heeled Montreal businessman would breeze into the downtown offices of Canada Lands, the federal Crown corporation that sells surplus government land.

Plus, this press release from 2002;

The former Quebec headquarters for the Canadian Army, located at 3530 Atwater Avenue in Montreal was appraised in 1995 at $9 million, but later sold in 1999 for $4 million!� At the time of the transaction in 1999, when the land was actually sold, the market value was conservatively estimated to be worth $12 million.�

Keep that in mind when you hear “wait for Gomery”. Concerns that Gomery will whitewash what happened are misplaced.
Gomery is the whitewash.

A great post at Gin and Tonic that peels away the layers of misrepresentation by Paul Martin about the powers of Justice Gomery – that ” Only he can cut through the partisan politics. Only he can tell us what happened and who was responsible.”
Well, it turns out that he can’t. He’s not actually permitted to do that under his terms of reference. Go read the whole thing, and then raise some hell with your national news broadcaster of choice. Ask them why they haven’t called Martin out on this?
h/t Strongworld.
BTW – does anyone have an email for Robert Fife?

Bono fans boo Paul Martin. He’s working hard to make up for that, though. Today he’s in Winnipeg and Regina, making spending announcements #80 and #81 – of the week. About 6.3 billion worth, when you tack on Buzz Hargroves budget amendment.
BTW – if you want to track how quickly Paul Martin, Jack Layton and friends are shovelling your money away, bookmark this page… today’s entries:

Over local radio a few minutes ago. I’ll update this post as I find links (or see them posted in the comments)…
National Post;

An advertising executive told the Gomery inquiry much of his $2.7 million in sponsorship income was based in part on false bills requested by program boss Chuck Guite. Paul Coffin’s scathing indictment of the one-time bureaucrat emerged on Wednesday as Justice John Gomery lifted a publication ban on some of Coffin’s testimony at the sponsorship hearings.
Gomery’s ruling helped shed light on a lengthy trail of falsified paperwork and inflated bills for several files, including Jean Chretien’s Clarity Act on Quebec separation.
Coffin singled out Guite and the bureaucrat’s assistant, Huguette Tremblay, in a scheme to bill taxpayers for maximum, pre-set production fees that were paid regardless of whether his firm did any work.
He said Guite asked him to bill for hours worked even though Coffin’s firm didn’t keep time sheets.
Coffin, who has been charged with 18 fraud-related counts arising from the sponsorship program, testified that Tremblay’s role was to press him to send in bills at the end of each fiscal year to meet his production budget. But he said the decision to create fake bills was his alone.
“I billed this way from Day One, unfortunately,” Coffin told inquiry counsel Marie Cossette, referring to the date of his first sponsorship contracts in 1997.

Macleans has more details.

Communication Coffin earned nearly $86,500 in commissions for a Clarity Act publicity campaign even though Coffin said he did little more than transfer bills to the government from subcontractors.
He said the stream of bogus bills began to flow from the first day his firm was chosen as part of a select group of Montreal ad agencies charged with managing sponsorship files in 1997.
[..]
Coffin’s testimony is consistent with financial statements indicating sponsorship middlemen nearly always billed the maximum under the catch-all category “production costs and professional honorariums.”
Coffin and fellow ad man Jean Lafleur have both said Public Works officials approved, and even encouraged, the massive fees each agency took for managing $250 million in sponsorship deals from 1997 to 2003.
In many cases the middlemen couldn’t say what they did to earn the fees. Sometimes they billed for entertaining clients at hockey games or simply passing along paperwork and cheques. Coffin himself admitted he sometimes billed taxpayers for work done by his wife, who was not on his payroll.
Documents also show Coffin’s production fees were sometimes up to three times the value of his sponsorship contracts.

Coyne has a post revealing that“the funny business in federal advertising contracts wasn’t restricted to Quebec-based agencies, or national unity”. Nope – it was for a campaign to promote an agreement for increased spending for health care.

Warren Kinsella made quite the assertion yesterday.

“This is true. He is correct. Thank you.”

What was he confirming to be the truth?

WINDSOR, Ont. (CP) – Prime Minister Paul Martin says anyone found culpable in the sponsorship scandal should be punished severely but he doesn’t believe his predecessor, Jean Chretien, knew anything about it.
“I don’t believe that the former prime minister was knowledgeable,” Martin said Tuesday.

Paul Martin states that he doesn’t “believe” Jean Chretien “knew anything” about the corruption in the sponsorship program.
Warren Kinsella, staunch Chretien ally – the same Warren Kinsella who, as chief of staff for Public Works Minister David Dingwall, sent a memo advising the deputy minister to hire Chuck Guite – goes a significant distance further, by declaring that belief to be “correct”.
Now, think about that for a moment.
As close as he was to his former Prime Minister, Warren Kinsella has never claimed psychic abilities. Nor has was he at Chretien’s side 24 hours a day, listening in to every telephone call made and taken. No facts have been brought into evidence via Gomery or anyone else that have exonerated Jean Chretien. Quite the opposite – as the testimony continues, the scandal edges ever closer to the PMO.
At this stage of the investigation, the ability to state without qualification what Jean Chretien knew or didn’t remains the domain of a privilaged few – those who had a unique perspective on the money laundering scheme.
I’ll leave it to the reader to ponder what that perspective might be.

Paul Martin was on John Gormley Live this morning – briefly. He’s learned to fill airtime with drawn out repetition to put off speaking to callers or facing new questions.
Early in the interview, he acknowledged that even with the support of Jack Layton, his government’s fate rests on the independants in parliament. Gormley did pin him down on one question, though – if the NDP demands for $4.6 billion in spending on social programs and the environment were valid, why wasn’t the spending in the budget in the first place?
Martin replied that the NDP extortion was “simply an acceleration of the existing liberal government agenda” that adding it to the budget now was just “bringing it forward”…
Then – he added that the $4.6 billion “won’t be spent unless we can be assured that at least 2 billion in debt can be brought down”.
I wonder if Jack Layton knows this?

Greg Staples is running the numbers, now that both Kilgour and Cadman have announced they’ll vote to defeat the government;
Liberal + NDP + MP Parrish = 151
Conservative + Bloc Quebecois + MP Kilgour + MP Cadman = 155
As he notes, even with two Conservatives too ill to travel, it renders Jack Layton’s attention seeking ploy irrelevant. Damian Brooks makes a good point in the comments – with so many prominant Libranos heading down the gangplank and hoping to swim to safe diplomatic and patronage posts, how many back-bench Liberals will abandon ship?

I hear the train a’comin’
Comin round the bend
Ain’t seen the sunshine since
I don’t know when
But I’m stuck in Ferndale Prison
Time keeps draggin’ on
And I hear that lonesome whistle
I hang my head and moan.

“Rex Murphy: The story goes around that at the next day’s caucus meeting — Mr. Chretien, I, my judgement, ah, wasn’t the most hospitable witness — but that you were supposed to be leading a cheer for Mr. Chretien the next morning in the caucus. That’s been reported widely and a number of people have called in here today. (a) Did you? and (b) If you did, why did you do so?
Paul Martin: No, I, I think — first of all, you, I think you understand as well as I do that, that there’s nobody at those caucus meetings except Members of Parliament, so anybody reporting on them is reporting, you know, second, third, fourth-hand. Ah, but fundamentally, ah, what happened is that, that caucus, ah, ah, did react, ah, to the fact that a former prime minister had just testified, and that’s a very very rare occasion to testify in front of a commission such as this. And that was, that’s what, that’s all that happened, there were a number of issues discussed, but they, they just simply said: former prime minister testified. I mean, the fact is that I testified as well, and, and ah, I took it very very seriously and I think that we would all take it very seriously under those circumstances. It fundamentally comes back to this — integrity in public life requires I’m telling the truth.”

He’s made a believer out of some people.

I believe Martin when he says he deeply respects Gomery. I believe he showed his respect when he led the Liberal caucus in a standing ovation for Jean Chretien’s display of open contempt for Gomery. I believe Martin wants no stone left unturned. I believed that when he ordered Liberal MPs to shut down the Public Accounts Committee’s investigations last year, before the last election. I believe if the Liberals get a majority government again, they wouldn’t shut down the committee again, or interfere with Gomery, as they have with other inquiries.
I believe Martin when he says he’s glad that Sheila Fraser, the auditor general, issued her report. I believe Liberal MPs and spin doctors were acting without Martin’s approval when they personally attacked Fraser.
I believe Martin when he says he was happy to fire Alfonso Gagliano. I don’t think it’s odd that last summer he recorded a video birthday greeting for Gagliano, saying “I wish I could be there Alfonso. You may be a terrible golfer, but you’re a tremendous political leader. Congratulations.”

Heh.

“I didn’t have to call the commission. I could have done what most politicians would do – just try to avoid it,” he said. “I just feel so strongly about the integrity of the political process that I was prepared to run the risk of damaging my own political prospects.”
Martin, who asked for more time in office during an address to the nation Thursday night, said he received “tons” of advice telling him not to have the inquiry – to “hide this thing” and to “put it under the rug.”

A startling admission from a Prime Minister who has not yet announced any mass firings or ejections from his party or caucus.
So tell us, Mr. Prime Minister – Who are these people? What are their names?”

As Gomery begins to hear testimony from Chuck Guit� and Paul Coffin, Captain Ed is gearing up to report on it.

Politicians will know the specific testimony of the two witnesses at the end of each day, if not almost in real time. Some media sources will watch and hear Guit� and Coffin tell everything they know about Adscam and the politicians who profited most from it on live TV feeds that they will be barred from rebroadcast. The only people left in the dark will be those Canadians who have seen their money stolen by the people they trusted to wield power lawfully.
As part of the ‘imperfection’ mentioned tangentially in the Montreal Gazette, I had hoped that the brouhaha over my publication of Brault’s testimony would have convinced Justice Gomery of the folly of publication bans. Apparently not. If my original source can get me reliable information on the testimony under the ban, I will republish it again here.

Stockwell Day has been asking the right questions.

In question period yesterday Stockwell Day, Official Opposition Foreign Affairs Critic, asked “Mr. Speaker, Maurice Strong, long time Liberal, long time mentor of the Prime Minister, long time business associate of the Prime Minister and companies such as Canada Steamship Lines and Cordex, has suddenly resigned his post at the United Nations. To date the government has refused to stand up and answer questions about the Iraqi oil for food scandal at the United Nations. Canadians are wondering why the Prime Minister will not just stand up in his place and state categorically that there has been no implication of Canadians or Canadian companies in the UN oil for food program. Where does this all end? Why will he not just stand up?”
Day has been asking questions related to any possible Canadian involvement in the Oil-for-food-scandal for several months, all with no response from the government.
“We want to presume innocence on these matters,” said Day. “However the government’s peculiar silence only leaves the questions hanging in the air”

And, in other Canadian related Oil-For-Food developments, Paul Volcker’s investigation is coming apart at the seams;

Last night, in the most explicit criticism so far directed at the report, Robert Parton, one of the senior investigators, told a lawyer involved with the Volcker inquiry that he thought the committee was “engaging in a de facto cover-up, acting with good intentions but steered by ideology”.
The lawyer, Adrian Gonzalez, told The Sunday Telegraph that he believed the committee, headed by Paul Volcker, the former chairman of the Federal Reserve, was determined to protect the secretary-general.
According to Mr Gonzalez, Mr Parton felt that the committee had effectively divided the body of evidence relating to the oil-for-food scandal into testimony that it did want to hear, and testimony that it did not.

H/t – Paul Tuns.
(More on Maurice Strong here, if the name is new to you.)