This may turn out to be worth the price of admission:
Only this time there would be no settlement on the courthouse steps, as in 1997, when the government apologized to Mulroney and his family for calling him a criminal in a letter to Swiss authorities, and acknowledged there had been no case against him in the first place. As for “the settlement,” as in the $2.1 million, that’s just one more example of shoddy journalism in this case. The settlement consisted of the apology; the $2.1 million was in costs ordered by an arbitrator, the late judge Alan B. Gold, to cover Mulroney’s legal and public-relations fees. He never saw a nickel of it. (When Liberal whip Karen Redman accused him of lining his pockets with public money, she was fortunate to have said it in the House, under immunity from a libel suit. Were she ever to repeat it in the foyer, he would sue her down to her socks.)
In rolling the Airbus tape all the way back to Air Canada’s acquisition of the A-320s back in 1988, Mulroney knows perfectly well there is no problem in it. He was never involved in the file. And the Air Canada procurement process was transparent and clean. All the airline executives, who would have testified to that in 1997 are still alive, and would be happy to do so again.
No, the story gets interesting in 1995, with the letter to the Swiss, with journalist Stevie Cameron being a confidential informant for the Mounties, with the first exposé on the Fifth Estate.
Here’s where the tape stops. Mulroney wants to add new players, “elected officials … as well as journalists.”
Now there’s something for everyone in the political village to think about.
Elected officials. That would be Jean Chrétien and his chief of staff, Jean Pelletier, and his senior advise,r Eddie Goldenberg, and his director of communications, Peter Donolo, and the clerk of the Privy Council, Jocelyne Bourgon, and the then-Solicitor- General Herb Gray, and the former justice minister, Allan Rock, and all their officials.
What did they know about the Airbus hoax, and when did they know it. What were their motives, then and later? Was it a diversion from the fact they had almost lost the country in the 1995 referendum? How about Shawinigate, the Auberge Grand Mère loan files, and the naked abuse of power by Chrétien in the case of François Beaudoin?
But here’s the kicker: “as well as journalists,” meaning all the journalists, particularly from the Globe and Mail and the CBC’s Fifth Estate, who have been working this story for the last 12 years, not just the reporters but their bosses. Mulroney would put them all in the box, and journalists and editors aren’t allowed to protect their sources at commissions of inquiry.
And then there’s the strange circumstance of former Trudeau cabinet minister Marc LaLonde ponying up bail for Karlheinz Schreiber. Curioser and curiouser.